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Chapter One – Data Analysis

This study focuses specifically upon red-figure imagery of Aphrodite. As it is not limited to a specific time frame, location or vase type, chapter one will consider the broader context and provenance of the vases that will be referred to within this study. Reference will be made to the methodology used to formulate the catalogue and consideration given to several aspects of data analysis: such as dating, provenance, vase type, painter and the scenes. The data analysis discussed here will show that there are some similarities in the patterns of production of red-figure vases that depict Aphrodite compared to those that do not depict her. However, some specific attributes of the sample that are noteworthy to the study as a whole will be identified and reference made to where they will be discussed later.

Methodology

In order to address the question, 2,158 vase images of Aphrodite and other gods and goddesses were catalogued using the BA and the LIMC. The sampling undertaken to create the catalogue was developed, taking into particular consideration Aphrodite’s status as an Olympian. The images of other gods and goddesses were chosen as they are members of the twelve Olympian deities and, consequently, can be specifically compared with the representations of Aphrodite.

Sample Construction

The following methodology was used in the sample construction to create the catalogue:

  • Details of each red-figure vase depicting Aphrodite recorded within the BA and also those with an image in the LIMC have been catalogued (376 images).
  • Included in the sample are a small number of images where it is not clear whether Aphrodite or another goddess may be present (113 images).
  • Details of 1649 non-Aphrodite images have been catalogued.
  • Records of red figure images of Hera, Athena, Demeter and Artemis held in the BA have been included.
  • For the gods Zeus, Poseidon, Ares and Apollo sampling was undertaken using the BA, applying the search terms of red-figure and the god’s name, taking any image in the archive where a definitive identification has been concluded.
  • Images of gods, like Zeus, have been included who mythologically are regularly involved with mortals, as a comparison to Aphrodite’s involvement with them.
  • The search parameters used provided a small but detailed sample of images of gods. Though not a complete sample it is an indicative array of red-figure depictions of these gods for comparison with those of Aphrodite.

Analysis by Date8

Analysis of the dating for vases that depict Aphrodite and those that do not will show the increase in popularity of Aphrodite in red-figure vase painting. The dates of 1,127 vases have been recorded; the date of 16 is unknown. Of the 1,111 vases that are dated there are 373 images where Aphrodite is present, 626 where she is not and 112 where it is unclear whether the image is of Aphrodite or not. The images where the depiction is unclear have been excluded in the analysis of the data in Figure 1. This ensures that the data is not affected by a misinterpretation of the scene. Figure 1 shows the percentage breakdown of vases recorded by date. Where a vase has been given a date range it has been recorded under the earliest date in the range, in order to ensure consistency in creating the data set. Within the data a pattern is indicated with regarding the production of Aphrodite and non-Aphrodite images.

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Two observations can be drawn from this data. The first relates to the increase and decrease of red-figure vases. There is a rise in popularity and a subsequent decline; although images with 2017-02-12-22017-02-12-3Aphrodite peak later in 450-401. Due to the lack of dating information for each of the vases there are some limitations to the data within the catalogue. Another constraint is the absence of information on the number of vases surviving for each period. However, Boardman has provided a descriptive table that indicates the likely overall production of vases (Figure 2).9 This table provides a reassuring pattern with records of finds in Athens. No numbers are provided but there is an increase in red-figure from 525 through to 450 and then a decline. The table presented in Boardman’s paper follows the pattern identified in Figure 3 for all vases within the catalogue. This would indicate that, although the sampling is small and not all dates are recorded in the catalogue, the stati stics presented for vase dating are sufficiently reliable for analysis. The rise in production of red-figure vases is explained by Schauer as a matter of reproduction and copying,10 suggesting that each pot that was made in the red-figure style increased the likelihood of another pot being made in the same style and resulting in a decrease in the production of black-figure pots. Whilst this argument appears logical, it must be noted that there is little evidence to support it either way, as it is based on assumptions about how a technique might be shared or developed.

Scholarship has generally observed that Athenian red-figure vase painting enjoyed an ascension in popularity throughout the fifth century; 11 the analysis of the catalogue supports this observation.12 The effect of the long Peloponnesian War, the plague and eventual defeat of the Athenians damaged the commerce base for exports and led to a decline.13 The effect of the plague could have had a detrimental effect on Athens’ commerce base, particularly if, as suggested by Cook, the pottery industry was relatively small even when it was flourishing.14 Thucydides describes in detail how the Athenian plague affected the population.15 The description of the plague according to Kallet makes it clear that the stress of the disease caused grave social problems that damaged the fabric of society: primarily familial, religious and economic in nature.16 Likewise Rendall argues that the plague resulted in a depletion of the work force and a decline in the Attic pottery trade.17 Furthermore, the similarity in the style between Attic and Southern Italian pottery, according to Rendall, suggests that at the beginning of these workshops either the artists were trained in, or immigrants from, Athens.18 The rise and fall in production identified within the catalogue appears to correlate with the dating of these events.19 Though red-figure production declined it retained limited popularity until approximately 320 when relief ware became more popular.20 It is during this period of decline as a result of the plague and Peloponnesian War that production centres moved from Attica to Southern Italy.21

Without an understanding of the number of vases that existed for each period it is difficult to confirm whether the statistics correlate to the rise and decrease in popularity of red figure vases. Cook observes that 40,000 red-figure pots were extensively examined through the work of J. D. Beazley in 1942.22 Rendall further observes that 20,000 red figure vases from Italy and Sicily have been recorded.23 These estimates are somewhat out of date but provide an indication of the potential number of surviving works. It should be noted that there may be many vases that are not recorded in databases or are in museum storage thus making analysis of the data problematic. However, although there is no clear understanding of the number of vases that exist for each period it is possible to draw some conclusions taking this into consideration. It can be interpreted from the sample data that the increase and decrease of all vases within the sample generally correlates with the rise and fall in the popularity of red figure vases. This is supported by drawing comparisons with Boardman’s data.

The second area worthy of consideration, in Figures 1 and 3, is the indication of Aphrodite’s rising popularity as a subject of vase painting. Despite some disparity within the data set, the trend for representations without Aphrodite correlates, in general, with the overall curve in the rise and decline of red-figure vases. In respect of the vases that include Aphrodite there is a clear indication that Aphrodite became an increasingly popular depiction. This trend deviates from the curve as the peak in Aphrodite scene popularity is 450-401, a time at which there is a decline in the overall and non-Aphrodite scenes; it also appears that the decline from the peak is less steep.

The increased and continued popularity of Aphrodite as an image could have cultic connections to Aphrodite’s epithet of Pandemos. Aphrodite was worshipped under the epithet of Pandemos in Athens.24 The earliest evidence for this is a record of a fruit gift dated to 480-70.25 However, such dedications are few in number, even though Aphrodite Pandemos was worshipped widely. The archaeological evidence according to Rosenzweig is lacking in Athens: this is in connection to both her civic and matrimonial role.26 Evidence of the civic aspects of the cult of Aphrodite Pandemos can be found elsewhere. Xenophon recounts that at the end of their office the local magistrates in Thebes celebrate a festival of Aphrodite.27 Decrees such as the decree of Erythrai refer to the building of a sanctuary of Aphrodite Pandemos. Within the decree there are a number of references to the demos.28 Though there is no clear statement within the decree Merkelbach inferred from the content that the purpose of the sanctuary would have been to bring about concord within the populace.29 Though outside the scope of this study an inscription referring to the regulations of the sanctuary of Aphrodite Pandemos dated to 283-2 has been interpreted by Mikalson as a declaration reclaiming the goddess ‘for democratic and nationalistic purposes’30 as it refers to ‘ancestral custom, for good fortune’.31 The increase in Aphrodite images identified in the catalogue occurred during the continued Peloponnesian War and Athenian plague. In times of uncertainty, such as these, magistrates sought the assistance of Aphrodite Pandemos in order to ensure the unity of the demos.

Analysis by Provenance

Given the previously highlighted movement of red-figure vase production from Attica to Southern Italy consideration will be given as to whether there is any correlation in respect of provenance. The provenance has been recorded for 629 images within the sample and there is an indication that images that included Aphrodite were more popular in Greece and Southern Italy than elsewhere (Figure 4). Where it is unsure as to whether or not the image is of Aphrodite these have been excluded:

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The statistics between the Aphrodite and non-Aphrodite images correlate for Southern Italy and the rest of the world, whereas there is a distinct difference in the Greek and Northern Italian images. Given these differences it is possible that there is a correlation in relation to Aphrodite’s rising popularity. In particular analysis by date shows an increase in the popularity of Aphrodite throughout Italy and Greece (Figure 5):

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In Northern Italy there is an increase in Aphrodite depictions peaking at 46% in 450-401 and then a decrease to 10% in 400-351. However, in Southern Italy there is an increase in depictions of Aphrodite to 26% in 450-401 with a slight decrease to 23% in 400-351 and a further increase to 33% in 350-300. The percentage of images for Southern Italy is relatively stable between 450 and 2017-02-12-6351. In Greece Aphrodite images become more popular in a similar way to Northern Italy, rising to a peak of 44% in 450-401 but with a slower decrease to 3% in 350-300. The graphical representation (Figure 6) indicates that there is very little correlation between the provenance by date and the original data of all Aphrodite images by their date: though Greece most closely follows the curve as would be expected. In particular the larger number of Aphrodite images in Northern Italy in 500-451 and the spike in Southern Italy in 350-300 is significant. The difference between the number of Aphrodite vase images in Greece and Italy can in part be explained by different burial practices. For example, the use of tombs by the Etruscans for burial has meant a greater preservation of vases than in other areas.32 It can be inferred from the peak in Northern Italy and rather steep decline that images of Aphrodite were no longer normally used in tombs. Furthermore, the previously noted movement of production to Southern Italy can explain the increase in Aphrodite images dated between 350-300.

This data indicates that, in particular, Aphrodite remained, in Southern Italy, an important figure for depiction on red-figure vases, particularly into 350-300 when the majority of red-figure vases were no longer Attic. As such this is noteworthy because it influences the imagery depicted.

Analysis by Painter and Vase Type

Aphrodite was more regularly depicted by some painters than others.33 Consideration of the breakdown of data by painter suggests that the only statistics that stand out are the number of images painted by the Meidias Painter and the Dareios Painter who have a tendency to depict Aphrodite. Analysis of this data will indicate whether there are any patterns worthy of consideration in respect of scenes depicted or vase type.

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The images painted by the Dareios Painter within the sample are all of Aphrodite and are primarily painted onto pelikai and kraters. It is possible that, through the sample selected (focusing primarily on Aphrodite and the four other goddesses detailed above), this affected the results by painter. The scenes the Meidias Painter depicts are primarily of Aphrodite and the preferred shapes used are lekythoi, hydriai, krater and pyxis. Apart from hydriai and lekythoi, the shapes between the Aphrodite and non-Aphrodite images correlate (Figure 7). The Meidias Painter produced vases that ‘catered to women and war-weary Athenians, since their pictures show festivals celebrated by women…idyllic garden scenes on shapes made for females, and myths with all dangers removed’.34 This certainly appears to be the case because, within the catalogue, there are scenes of gods, 35 the Judgement of Paris36 and Adonis and Aphrodite.37 The images chosen, according to Osborne, would have been determined in Athens not through the second-guessing of market demands.38 The variety of different scenes within the catalogue infers that this is the case as there would be a greater degree of consistency had painters and their workshops worked to market demands.39 The purchasers of vases from Athens would have made a conscious choice of a certain item based on its intended use.40 According to Mannock, Athenian pottery was produced within a limited range of shapes.41 Sparkes details the various uses identified for certain vase types.42 Given the variety of vases listed within Figure 6 the Meidias Painter appears to have chosen certain shapes for various reasons such as their decorative purposes, cultic connections or their use. It is normally difficult to determine the reasons for a shapes choice, particularly as the use of vases outside a religious context requires archaeologists to rely on the vases themselves and only a few literary sources.43 Therefore, it would prove difficult to establish a particular reason for the painter’s choice. This will be considered further in due course as, of immediate interest, is the content of the image.44

Analysis of Scenes by Meidias and Dareios Painter’s

The scenes of the Meidias Painter without Aphrodite’s presence are primarily not of a romantic nature focussing instead on gigantomachy, births of gods, punishment of mortals and other godly scenes.45 However, within the sample these images are a small number. Those scenes that include Aphrodite primarily are depictions of the Judgement of Paris, personifications and domestic in nature.46 Boardman identifies that the desire to depict anthropomorphised images intensified in the fifth century.47 This can clearly be seen with the number of depictions of personifications represented by the Meidias Painter.46 This view is shared by Rabinowitz who observes that in scenes depicted by the Meidias Painter women are represented as goddesses and personifications.48 Likewise, Stafford also notes the use of labelled personifications on a vase painting of the Meidias Painter.49 Stafford suggests that the presence of a labelled Hygieia conveys the concept of the apples of the Garden of the Hesperides bestowing immortality or wellbeing.50 The use of imagery to convey an idea such as this will be discussed in more detail in chapter one. The catalogue indicates the primary focus of the Meidias Painter is Aphrodite, personifications and women.

The Dareios Painter, according to Hurschmann, primarily depicted scenes from classical tragedies and themes from Greek myth.51 Other scenes attributed to him are of weddings, women and Eros, as well as Dionysian motifs. 52 The Aphrodite scenes recorded within the catalogue indicate this focus.53 Within the sample there are no scenes without Aphrodite attributed to the Dareios Painter. This can, in part, be attributed to focusing, for example, on the specific female deities which did not particularly include domestic and Dionysian scenes.

It is difficult to conclude whether there is any correlation in the representations of the Dareios Painter due to the sample catalogued. However, in respect of the Meidias Painter there is an important trend in respect to the representations of personifications which will be considered in further detail in chapter three.

Overall Analysis by Vase Type

The analysis of vase type by painter indicated a connection between the possible contents of a vessel and the image depicted. In order to consider this further the analysis has been broadened to consider all recorded vase types within the catalogue where it is known. It would appear that there is no particular pattern in respect of the majority of the vase types as the percentages are relatively consistent between Aphrodite and non-Aphrodite depictions. 54 Figure 8 depicts the vase types where there are more than 2.5% of non-Aphrodite or Aphrodite images. There are some vases that are more popular for depictions of Aphrodite than others: hydriai, pyxides and pelikos. However, this must be considered whilst taking into account that there are a larger number of recorded vase types within the catalogue for depictions that do not contain Aphrodite and as such this sample size can skew the figures.2017-02-12-9

It is not unexpected that one of the shapes that would have frequently been used for depicting Aphrodite is the pyxides. Pyxides, according to Sparkes, are one type of vase a potter would have likely have been asked to supply for a wedding day.55 2017-02-12-10It can be inferred from the number of pyxides depicted with romantic images in the catalogue that these were made to celebrate weddings, for example Figure 9.56 Sparkes observes that pyxides often had scenes of romance and love depicted on them such as the myth of Alcestis or the Judgement of Paris as they were suitable for a marriage context even though it is a story seen from the male viewpoint.57 The vessel would have been used by women to store cosmetics and jewellery.58 The catalogued images of Aphrodite on the pyxides can be seen as a promise of beauty to the user of the item.59 This observation is shared by Smith, who interprets a scene of gift giving on the Berlin Pyxis as the presentation of the tools required to maintain a bride’s beauty in order to keep her husband following their wedding.60 Stafford, citing the London Pyxis, observes that the vessel, as a woman’s item, can be viewed from such a perspective and suggests that the personifications can be seen as a reminder of the wedding.61 The interpretation of Pothos and Hedylogos as ‘the guilty pleasures of an illicit affair’ can also be seen as necessary to a healthy marriage, however, as it was believed that young girls were lustful Stafford’s interpretation is more likely. 62 Unlike some of the other decorated vases, pyxides were designed to be used.

There is a clear desire for mythological scenes for many purposes, for example adorning the homes of those that could afford them. Scholarship varies on the approach to the use of painted vases. Boardman argues the majority of decorated Athenian pots were designed to be used every day and were only unusual for the figural decoration chosen for them.63 Weber more recently argued that all vessels were used by ‘the Greek community as dedicatory items, cult vessels, and also in daily life’.64 Lynch suggests that painted symposium pottery was distinct from the undecorated multipurpose vessels.65 Likewise Steiner argues that the archaeological evidence from Greece and Etruria indicates that painted pottery was primarily used for symposiums and, at the same time, Etruscans put items to many uses which may not all have been sympotic.66 Steiner’s view, although based on archaeological evidence, is broad as vessels had multiple uses. Lekythoi, for example, were used for oil storage and grave good.67 Furthermore, Karouzou argues that some exaggerated forms of vessels used for symposia were specifically made for funerary purposes.68 Most of the vases and pots that are available for study are from graves or votive offerings from sanctuaries.69 Boardman specifically comments that more vessels used in homes are required in order to establish what was specifically used day to day.70 Likewise, Steiner argues there is considerable uncertainty as to the use of Athenian painted pottery due to a lack of evidence.71 It is difficult to agree with any particular argument as the use of vessels varied considerably and due to the limited evidence. For example, vessels such as painted amphorai were clearly not intended for storage or transport.72 The wine at a symposium, according to Lynch, may have been brought into the room in either a table amphora or other shape to then be mixed in a decorated krater.73 However, Lynch suggests even though decorated amphorai were abundant the undecorated transport style could also have been used thus rendering them unnecessary.74 Therefore, transport amphorai can be identified as having not only been used for the delivery of goods but also their distribution.75 Furthermore, it can be argued that if one type of vase had multiple uses others may have as well.

In an Etruscan context the Athenian imports offered scenes of domestic life and some ‘distanced from life’.76 Furthermore, the images provided a ‘picture-dictionary that they were able to map onto their dictionaries of Greek fable and Greek life’.77 The vessels were items that were pleasurable to display and selectively used.78 Marconi in considering the demand for Apulian vases, particularly in Taras, believes that painted pottery was used for symposiums, cultic activity, funeral practices and grave markers.79 Therefore, it is clear that the items were not just for display or use for symposiums. Everyday shapes were also used for specialist functions such as hydriai for funeral ashes or as a prize.80 One example, used by Boardman is the Panathenaic Amphorai, used as prizes for the victors in the Panathenaic games.81 Furthermore, small versions of each vessel may have been used for ritual offerings or grave goods.82 Scenes that depicted love and desire within a mythological context were particularly appropriate for a wedding present, something suggested by Was.83 Therefore, Aphrodite would have been a good subject for vase paintings appropriate for these events, though the decoration can also be seen to serve as a warning to brides of the influence of love and desire.

There is a small proportion of amphorai in the sample (12% in total) that suggests fewer were decorated in the red-figure style in comparison to other vase types. Within the images of Aphrodite the percentage is very small (3.5%). Likewise, there is a similar pattern with stamnoi which had a similar use to amphorai. The difference between the percentage of Aphrodite (3.5%) and non-Aphrodite (15%) scenes indicates their intended use. The disparity between the depictions of Aphrodite can be explained as she had no cultic connection to those items that would have been stored in the vessels, for example grain, oil and wine, if they had been used for such a purpose. It can be inferred in these circumstances that painters thought images of Aphrodite to not be appropriate and so were not used for their decoration. Looking at 139 of the amphorai where Aphrodite does not appear, 67% of them depict Athena. This indicates that Athena was a popular figure for amphorai due to her cultic connection to the olive and its products. On the other hand, pelikai, also used to store similar liquids, have a higher number of instances of Aphrodite images than non-Aphrodite. However, these figures are skewed somewhat as there is a high percentage of images that are unclear relative to those where the image can be identified.

There is also a distinct difference between the percentages of cups that do not depict Aphrodite. Cups depict an array of mythological scenes and Aphrodite is occasionally present on cups where Dionysus is depicted alongside his lover Ariadne.84 At a symposium Aphrodite was more regularly depicted on hydriai. During a symposium, water, Lynch indicates, would have been brought in a hydria decorated with images of it being used for the purpose.85 Aphrodite is connected to water not only through her birth but as protectoress of sea farers.86 This cultic connection to water can explain the disparity between the non-Aphrodite (7.9%) and Aphrodite (16%) depictions on hydriai.

This analysis established a pattern that the depictions on vases relate in some way to the contents. In some instances, such as amphorai, this signifies the intended use even though the vase was only intended for decorative purposes. In particular, depictions on vases such as hydriai (water carrying), amphorai and stamnoi (goods storage), pyxides (cosmetics), cups (wine) and pelikai (liquid) appear to have associations with the contents. The differences in amphorai for example can be explained by the goddess’ cult connections to certain goods or elements: for example Athena and the olive,87 Dionysus and wine88 and Demeter and grain.89

Summary of Data Analysis

There are some noteworthy patterns within the data analysis of the vase sample. It is clear that Aphrodite was a popular image in Italy and Greece generally, as 92% of her images within the sample are from these areas. Particularly noteworthy is the clear variation in the popularity of Aphrodite images that do not follow the general trend. For example, the increase in Aphrodite images in Southern Italy in 350-300 during the red-figure decline. It is possible that these are in part connected to the worship of Aphrodite Pandemos as a unifier of the demos; a matter that will be given further consideration in chapter three. Aphrodite’s cultic connections are also noteworthy in respect of vase type. It is a clear, particularly through the hydriai and pyxides, that her connection to water and beauty influenced the scenes that were depicted on these vessels, associating the image and content. There are some particularly popular images of Aphrodite such as the Judgement of Paris, Aphrodite and Eros, Anodos of Aphrodite, Aphrodite and Erotes, Wedding Scenes, Aphrodite and lovers (gods and mortals) and Aphrodite riding a swan.90 Included in these scenes are key mythological stories of Aphrodite but also representations of her main attributes as the goddess of love and beauty: Eros and Erotes, weddings and a swan. Most scenes involve mortals and are indicative of the involvement of Aphrodite in their lives. Attributes depicted with Aphrodite are of particular interest as an indication of her importance in the scene (see chapter two). Furthermore, the scenes depicted by the Meidias Painter suggest the important role of personification deities in scenes (see chapter three).

Footnotes

8 All dates referred to within the study are BC.
9 Boardman 1979:36
10 Schauer 2008:177
11 Neer 2002:1; Rendall 1989:8; Richter 1946:1-2
12 Figure 3
13 Neer 2002:1; Rendall 1989:8; Richter 1946:1-2
14 Cook 1966:274-7
15 Thuc. 2.47.1-55.1
16 Kallet 2009:120
17 Rendall 1989:8
18 Rendall 1989:8
19 Figure 3
20 Richter 1946:2
21 Neer 2002:1
22 Cook 1966:274-5
23 Rendall 1989:7
24 Pl. Symp. 180d-e; Paus. 1.14.7 and 1.22.3
25 IG I³.832
26 Rosenzweig 2004:21-8
27 Xen. Hell. 5.4.4.
28 SEG 36-1039
29 Merkelbach 1986:15 cited in Breitenberger 2007:36
30 Mikalson 1998:108
31 IG II² 659; IG II³ 1 879
32 Osborne 2001:277; Spivey 1991:132
33 Appendix 1 provides full details of Aphrodite by Painter.
34 Mannack 2012:55-6
35 BA 10078, 10203, 220619, 9021935, 9030853
36 BA 220151, 220515, 220529
37 BA 525, 44230, 220493
38 Osborne 2004:52; According to Marconi 2004:39-40 there is nothing to suggest vases were produced for a non-Athenian clientele. However, it cannot be determined they were specifically made for Athenians.
39 Appendix 2 provides a detailed breakdown by scene.
40 Osborne 2004:52
41 Mannock 2012:41 – Figure 3.1
42 Sparkes 1991:60-92 cited in Mannock 2012:59-60
43 Mannock 2012:59
44 See Overall Analysis by Vase Type pg.24-31.
45 Gigantomachy BA 220619, Births of Gods BA 10203, Punishment of Mortal BA 5448. Other Godly Scenes 10607, 13687, 16158, 220516, 220558, 220633, 275727, 9021935
46 Judgement of Paris BA 220151, 220515, 220529 and LIMC Aphrodite 1431. Personifications BA 1199, 2724, 9558, 220494, 220497, 220499 220599, 220641, 220655 and LIMC Aphrodite 1268, 1271. Romance Scenes BA 525, 220493, 220600, 220608. Weddings LIMC Aphrodite 1563. Domestic, cult activities or gods and goddesses BA 106440, 220529, 220605 and LIMC Aphrodite 1536.
47 Boardman 1996:208-9
48 Rabinowitz 2002:126
49 Stafford 2010:238
50 Stafford 2010:238
51 Hurschmann 2015
52 Hurschmann 2015
53 Classical Tragedy LIMC Aphrodite 1528. Greek Myth LIMC Aphrodite 1437, 1492, 1495, 1522, 1523, 1526, 1557, 1558. Wedding Scene LIMC Aphrodite 1203, 1206
54 Appendix 3 contains a full breakdown of vase type by image.
55 Sparkes 1996:72
56 Judgement of Paris BA 7928, 211251, 211736, 212137 and LIMC Aphrodite 804, 1191. Wedding
Scenes BA 15295, 211247, 215006 and LIMC Aphrodite 1251, 1564, 1565. Aphrodite and Adonis BA
1282. Aphrodite and Eros BA 215239 and LIMC Aphrodite 806, 1174, 1238.
57 Sparkes 1996:72
58 Scheibler 2016
59 BA 1282, 2090, 7928, 211251, 211736, 211902, 212137, 215006, 215239, 220539, 220648, 220655, 230891 and LIMC Aphrodite 804, 806, 1191, 1196, 1238, 1251, 1384, 1477, 1564, 1565
60 Smith 2005:7 and 28 – Figure 9
61 Stafford 2013:202-3
62 Stafford 2013:202-3; Arist. Pol. 1335a ‘it also contributes to chastity for…it is thought that [women] are more licentious when they have had intercourse in youth’ (translated by Racham).
63 Boardman 2001:244
64 Weber 2012:304
65 Lynch 2012:534
66 Steiner 2007:232-3. Steiner 2007:233-4 does note that some specialist shapes such as the lekythoi were not made for sympotic purposes.
67 Paspalas 2012:67 citing Steiner 1992:391–398, 403–405; McPhee 2004: 7; Márton and Nemes 2007 identifies that lekythoi had many purposes related to cult based on findings at Sacred Springs and funerary sites near Corinth.
68 Karouzou 1971:138-45 cited in Steiner 2007:234
69 Boardman 2001:244-5
70 Boardman 2011:266 cites two examples from the fifth century a casserole and brazier from the Athenian Agora P21948/21958 and 14655/16521 as examples of plain kitchen ware used. Boardman comments that the shapes used in the kitchen are broadly familiar such as jugs, water basins, pots and these two shapes.
71 Steiner 2007:231
72 Hodos 2012:318 provides one example of the transportation of red-figure vases. However, this was from Athens to Cyprus to supplement its own ceramic production.
73 Lynch 2012:534
74 Lynch 2012:534
75 Weber 2012:304 suggests that repairs to painted pots and transport Amphorai show how valued they were and that they could not quickly be replaced. Therefore, vases may have been used for a variety of purposes dependent on the need of the individual.
76 Osborne 2001:291
77 Osborne 2001:291-2
78 Osborne 2001:291-2
79 Marconi 2012:389
80 Boardman 2001:263-5
81 Boardman 2001:265
82 Boardman 2001:265
83 Was cited in Kilmer 1993:214
84 For example LIMC Aphrodite 1359
85 Lynch 2012:534
86 Paus. 5.11.8; Hes. Theog. 176; Anonymous Homeric Hymn 6 to Aphrodite; SEG 50-766; SEG 50-206:
87 Paus. 1.27.1–3
88 Apollod. Bibl. 2.191
89 Hes. Op. 299
90 Appendix 2 provides a detailed breakdown of Aphrodite scene types.

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